May 19, 2012

Holding Politicians Accountable

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HOLDING POLITICIANS ACCOUNTABLE: REPORTING ON THE 2009 ELECTION & BEYOND

You are invited to attend a free one-day seminar series on March 4 at Hackle Brooke, Johannesburg.

- Resurgent inter-party violence in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape.

- Political leaders turning the heat up with hate speech against their adversaries.

- South Africa’s huddled masses competing for scarce services, jobs and resources with millions of economic migrants and asylum-seekers.

- A fractured ruling party facing down the wild-card threat represented by an untested splinter movement.

- A news media shaken by job losses, threatened free speech curbs and the rise of virile new media and the tabloid press.

This is the face of South Africa as it enters the most hotly-contested poll since the coming of democracy in 1994.

In the interest of raising the tone and quality of the national elections debate, frayintermedia is presenting a dynamic day-long programme free of charge to journalists and editors. The programme offers participants the chance to cover as breaking news what some of the leading political, analytical and electoral role-players have to say about the election, to engage in debate with them – and to improve the quality of newsroom skills regarding electoral coverage.

  • Drawing together some of the country’s leading political analysts, editors and party policy-makers such as Dr Frederick van Zyl Slabbert, Jovial Rantao, Smuts Ngonyama among others, the programme kicks off with a debate hosted by Prof Adam Habib, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Johannesburg, on today’s volatile social and political landscape.
  • It then breaks up into a series of five tailored Seminars led by respected editors and electoral experts who examine key election coverage issues: how to cost the promises, how to generate and gender election story ideas, how to cover hate speech, how to manage elections logistics, and the legal ground-rules of electioneering.
  • This unmissable day concludes with a two-hour Policy Debate – to be broadcast by SABC Radio – between the leading policy-makers from the ANC, COPE and other political parties discussing their attitudes towards migration in the shadow of the election.

Who should attend?

- Journalists reinventing their careers

- Journalists, line-editors and editors managing election coverage

- Journalists interested in the future of their profession

- Journalists wanting to cover what top politicians, editors and analysts have to say about the looming election

- Editors and news-editors managing change, and journalism trainers

When? 07:30-16:00, March 4. Lunch and teas provided.

Where? Hackle Brooke, corner of Jan Smuts Avenue & Conrad Drive, Craighall, Johannesburg

Space is limited, so book now! Contact Debby Kramer at frayintermedia on 011-341-0767 / dkramer@frayintermedia.com

Download a draft programme here.

A review of the HSRC’s volume on SA Media

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Power, Politics and Identity in South African Media

HSRC Press 2008, ISBN 9780796922021

Review by Michael Schmidt

Originally published in Focus #51, journal of the Helen Suzman Foundation

 

The rows centred on Jacob Zuma, the recent attacks on black lesbians, and this year’s antiforeigner murder spree have raised the crucial question of whether the media have stoked South Africans’ apparent reversion to antagonistic roles – or whether changes in identity are gaining ground, via either the state’s own simunye policies, the “market leveller” of commercialisation, or the sense of virtual community created by new media forms. And the answer is far from simple. The media have advanced on some fronts and retreated on others; yet even where they have advanced, they are hobbled by contradiction, and where they have retreated, they show inherent promise.

The nationalist project of constructing a “South African” identity – especially using the SABC – would seem to be unassailable thanks to the ANC’s near hegemonic political position. Yet the rise of mothertongue community radio stations, interest-group publications, and blogging have seen a decentralisation and fragmenting of identities, some of which are held to be superior to the national identity.

South African society is usually represented in socio-political myth as a binary black/white culture, deeply, irreconcilably divided by centuries of colonial discrimination and 46 years of apartheid – and the liberation movements’ adherence to this black/white dichotomy entrenched this still further. The 1994 elections were hailed, however, as unifying factors that superseded race, class, gender, ability and sexuality.

This Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) volume collects some of the best new
sociological examinations of where that polarity finds itself today: reaffirmed, deconstructed, or reconstructed – by print, radio, television, books, film, popular music and the internet.

Dominant themes are white Afrikaner and black identity, and another covers the shifting sands of identities in between those crude polarities: of coloureds, and of those defined pejoratively as “coconuts” and “wiggers” for their affinity with “other” cultures. Sub-themes address identities related to class, gender and sexuality.

On Afrikaner identity, several papers show two divergent vectors. One is that the Afrikaner sense of racially exclusive nationhood – especially in relation to the black “other” – has barely shifted. Within this laager one might locate Radio Pretoria, which claims the democratic right of disassociation. The other vector regards the expansion of Afrikaner identity to embrace coloured and black Afrikaans-speakers.

On black identity, three issues are tackled. Firstly, the culture of youthful nihilism of the ’76 generation, with its ingrained violence echoed in current black youthful attitudes towards violent crime and HIV/Aids.

Secondly, however, the notion as portrayed in kwaito and film that black males can only succeed through tsotsi-culture is challenged. Lastly, the misrepresentation, or lack of interrogation, in black-owned media of Zulu tradition in relation to Zuma’s actions is examined. But a sea-change is in evidence. The dramatic rise of the tabloids has allowed the vernacular voices of poorer South Africans to be heard for the first time.

Commerce has created ersatz “universal” identities – yet the internet has allowed unprecedented 
decentralisation of information, interest, and thus identity. This book lacks an interrogation of black middle-class identities, but is a brave attempt to chart our shifting sense of self and society.

Zambian journalism has come a long way

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 Miriam Zimba of the Times of Zambia gives her insight into the state of Zambian Journalism and the challenges faced by women journalists in her country.

1. What is the state of press freedom in your country?

The battle for press freedom in Zambia has come a long way and we have now reached a pinnacle where we can safely say the media in Zambia is enjoying relative freedom.
Having practised as a journalist for 19  years starting in the so called dark days of the one party state when privately run newspapers or broadcast stations were not allowed, to this point when the airwaves have been liberalised and privately run newspapers are flourishing, I can say the media in my country has come of age. The fact that privately owned newspapers and television stations and community radio stations are allowed to publish and broadcast without inhibition speaks of the extent to which the present government which ushered in multiparty politics is willing to let democracy flourish.  For you cannot talk of a true democracy without a free press.
However, despite these milestones, more still remains to be done to firmly entrench press freedom.  We still have laws in place that impinge on press freedom such as criminal libel for which a convicted journalist can go to jail. Criminal libel should be repealed and libel should only be a civil matter attracting a fine.  The freedom of Information Bill which has been debated for too long needs to be enacted into law to allow journalists access to information.  We also hope the new constitution will enshrine freedom of the press unlike now when it is interpreted as part of the clause on freedom of expression which is totally different from the former.

2.What are the biggest challenges for women journalists in your country?

Journalism is still male dominated and the ladder for upward mobility for female journalists is still steep. There are reasons for this and  one of them is motherhood which costs women’s progression.  The maternity leave periods are enough excuse for bosses(who are men in most cases) to by pass a woman for promotion in preference to a male colleague.  By the time maternity leave is over, the male colleague will have moved a step ahead.
However I must say female journalists are being recognised for their perseverance as seen in an increase in the number of women editors heading desks although we are yet to see a woman head a media organisation.’

3. How do you and other women journalists face the challenges?

They say if you cannot beat them, join them and that is what most of us are doing. Some beats like covering disaters, riots, football matches which were seen as too musculine  are being covered side by side with the male counterparts.  Women have become more assertive hence the increase in number of editors thanks to the women’s movement in the country which has helped women believe in themselves.  The important thing however is for women to tackle hard tasks while still retaining their femininity.

This interview forms part of the IWMF Network Voices series.